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Guillermo Novo was born in Cuba. An opponent of Fidel Castro, Novo moved to the United States where he associated with figures such as Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada. While living in America Novo did a variety of jobs including doorman and used car salesman.
According to Marita Lorenz, Novo became involved with Operation 40, a CIA assassination squad. One member, Frank Sturgis claimed: "this assassination group (Operation 40) would upon orders, naturally, assassinate either members of the military or the political parties of the foreign country that you were going to infiltrate, and if necessary some of your own members who were suspected of being foreign agents... We were concentrating strictly in Cuba at that particular time."
Lorenz pointed out that a few days before the assassination of John F. Kennedy, a group including Novo, Orlando Bosch, Frank Sturgis, Ignacio Novo and Pedro Diaz Lanz, travelled to Dallas. She also claimed that he was at a motel in Dallas when Kennedy's murder was planned.
In 1964 Novo bought a bazooka, a portable rocket launcher, for $35 in an Eighth Avenue shop and rebuilt it.” He planned to use it to kill Che Guevera, who was scheduled to address the UN General Assembly. He fired the shell from the East River waterfront in Long Island, facing the UN building across the river. According to the New York Times the shell “landed in the East River about 200 yards short of the 38-story United Nations Secretariat building, sending up a 15-foot geyser of water.”
FBI Agents Robert Scherrer and Carter Cornick claimed that Novo played a key role in the murder of Roland Masferrer in Miami on 31st October, 1975. Later he worked for General Augusto Pinochet of Chile. The following year Novo was suspected of being involved with Luis Posada, Orlando Bosch, Herman Ricardo and Freddy Lugo in the Cubana Airlines plane that exploded killing all 73 people aboard. This included all 24 young athletes on Cuba's gold-medal fencing team.
When Posada was arrested he was found with a map of Washington showing the daily route of to work of Orlando Letelier, the former Chilean Foreign Minister, who had been assassinated on 21st September, 1976. Novo and Alvin Ross were arrested and found guilty of conspiring to murder Letelier. In 1981 he obtained a retrial and was acquitted on a technicality. The jury had also acquitted Ignacio Novo, Guillermo’s younger brother, of aiding and abetting the conspiracy.
Saul Landau reported at the time: "As the courtroom emptied, the two Novo brothers, Ross, their families and supporters used the hallway to continue their buoyant celebration. Then Guillermo saw me staring at them - in dismay, since I could not understand how the jury could have come to such a verdict in light of the overwhelming evidence presented. Looking at me murderously, he hissed and then, as if continuing his conversation with Ignacio, said in Spanish “Now we can finish off the rest of these communist pigs.”
Novo continued to take part in terrorist attacks on Cuba. In 2000 Novo and three colleagues, Luis Posada, Gaspar Jiménez and Pedro Remón, were arrested and imprisoned after trying to assassinate Fidel Castro at the University of Panama.
In August, 2004, President Mireyas Moscoso of Panama, pardoned Novo, Posada, Jiménez and Remón for their role in attempting to assassinate Castro.
Everything would seem to indicate that terrorist Luis Posada Carriles has taken refuge in Honduras, his traditional lair along with El Salvador.
However, although the national authorities have confirmed that he is being sought, there are no details on his presence and far less on his detention, as was announced ion the Cuban Television Roundtable program.
Meanwhile the United States is keeping quiet on the pardon signed by President Mireyas Moscoso, who released the notorious killer and three of his accomplices serving a prison term for an attempt to assassinate President Fidel Castro during an event at the University of Panama in 2000.
It was stated on the program that Ricardo Maduro, the Honduran president, was forced to acknowledge that Posada had entered the country and that he is a terrorist “who has the support of powerful people with international influence.”
Statements condemning the shameful pardon signed by the Panamanian president have continued.
The Panamanian people never imagined that one of their governors would bend to U.S. directives to such a degree, affirmed Panamanian lawyer Julio Berrios, repudiating the pardon allowing the release of the four anti-Cuban terrorists.
Speaking on the Roundtable program, Berrios, a professor of Law at the University of Panama, referred to a statement left by Moscoso on the answer-phone of a former ambassador to her country and quoted on U.S. television, in which she says:
“Ambassador, good morning, this is the president to inform you that the four Cubans were pardoned last night and have already left the country. Three are headed for Miami and the other to an unknown destination. Good bye, and all the best.”
The president has acknowledged that she made that call.
Other Panamanian figures likewise condemned the pardon of the four terrorists of Cuban origin. Former president Jorge Illueca described it as a blow to Latin American integration. This act, he added, affects the deepest sentiments of Pan-Americanism which, in addition to the rupture of diplomatic relations with Cuba, has already prompted the withdrawal of the Venezuelan ambassador and Hugo Chávez’ absence from the investiture of the incoming president.
Gassán Salama, the former governor of the province of Colón, who resigned in protest over the pardon, qualified it as a world disgrace, an act that demonstrated Moscoso’s lack of interest in combating terrorism.
On the other hand, a statement signed by some 40 legislators from various tendencies comprising the Central American Parliament (PARLACEN), rejected Moscoso’s decision and calls on ”the peoples of the civilized world to condemn this decision in favor of those terrorists who are endangering stability and peace.”
In Bogotá, more than 100 participants in the Voices of the World Congress for Peace rejected the humiliating decision of the Panamanian leader, which exposes a high degree of opportunism and hypocrisy to gratify Washington’s anti-Cuba policy.
The Mexican Communist Party affirms that by releasing the four terrorists, Moscoso has become an accomplice of those who in 1976 placed the bomb aboard the Cubana passenger plane that cost the lives of 73 people, and those who made an attempt on the life of President Fidel Castro in particular at the Ibero-American Summit.
Honduran authorities said Friday they continue to believe Cuban exile Luis Posada Carriles is no longer in the country, but that, if he's captured, they would consider Cuba's extradition request.
There, the explosives expert would face a firing squad.
''We still believe that he left the country, but we can't determine how he did that,'' Armando Calidonio, Honduras' vice minister of security told The Herald. "The investigation continues.''
Leónidas Rosa Bautista, Honduras' minister of foreign relations, told reporters on Thursday that an extradition request had been submitted by Cuba and that, if Posada is apprehended, he would be "immediately deported.' Cuba, meanwhile, has said that Posada would be condemned to death.
Posada - who is wanted by Cuba on numerous terrorism and assassination charges - was among four exiles pardoned last month by Panama's former President Mireya Moscoso. They had been imprisoned four years ago on convictions tied to an assassination plot against Cuban President Fidel Castro.
Three of the exiles, Gaspar Jiménez, Pedro Remón and Guillermo Novo - all of whom are U.S. citizens - returned to their homes in Miami. Posada, 76, who is not a U.S. citizen, is believed to have fled to Honduras where he went into hiding. Authorities in that country said they have information indicating Posada fled to the Bahamas or another Caribbean country but could not be absolutely certain.
Branded by Castro as ''the worst terrorist in the hemisphere,'' Posada is wanted in connection with the 1976 midair bombing of a Cuban jetliner in which 73 people were killed. The former CIA operative also is accused of orchestrating a dozen terror bombings of Havana tourist spots in 1997, and numerous plots to assassinate Castro.
Posada and the three Miami exiles have denied any role in the alleged assassination plot in Panama during a heads-of-state summit in 2000, where Castro made the accusations.
A Panamanian court dropped initial charges of conspiracy to murder and possession of explosives, but convicted them in April of endangering public safety and sentenced them to up to eight years.
In the terror bombings in Havana, Posada first admitted, then denied, responsibility.
Responding to reports by Cuba that Posada could have gone to Costa Rica, authorities there announced they would not provide refuge to Posada.
The Chilean Supreme Court on Thursday stripped former military dictator Augusto Pinochet of his immunity. That leaves the courts free to prosecute him for the deaths or disappearances of opposition figures in the 1970s.
Just a few hours earlier, Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso was pardoning four Cuban exiles, one of whom collaborated with Pinochet’s secret police.
Guillermo Novo, along with three other Cuban exiles, were arrested in Panama in November 2000 on information provided by Cuban intelligence.
Fidel Castro’s personal security detail had swept the Panamanian capital in advance of the Cuban president’s arrival for an Ibero-American Summit. They provided Panamanian authorities with a surveillance video of four known anti-Castro extremists believed to be plotting to assassinate Castro. The plan, said Cuban security, was to plant explosives at a scheduled meeting between Castro and university students.
Panamanian courts, however, determined there was not enough evidence to sentence the men for attempted murder and instead sentenced Novo and Pedro Remón to seven years each for endangering public safety and Luis Posada Carriles and Gaspar Jiménez to eight years for endangering public safety and falsifying documents.
Cuba protested the court ruling, charging the men had gotten off too easy. Posada Carriles, the most notorious of the four, topped Cuba’s most wanted list.
Peter Kornbluh, a specialist on U.S.–Cuban relations, agrees with Havana. This was not the first time Novo dabbled in violence, said Kornbluh. In 1978, he recalls, Novo was tried and convicted for his role in the assassination of former Chilean Foreign Minister, Orlando Letelier, and his American secretary Ronnie Moffitt. The men were killed in a car bombing in Washington D.C.
A U.S. Federal appeals court overturned the conviction on a technicality in 1981.
Kornbluh, author of "The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability," considers Novo “one of the leading Cuban exiles who collaborated with the Chilean secret police, DINA, in the mid-1970s to conduct terrorist operations outside of Chile’s borders.
"At a time when civilized nations are fighting a war against terrorism, Panama's release of recognized purveyors of violence such as Guillermo Novo and Luis Posada is not only a travesty of justice, it is a danger to future victims," Kornbluh stressed.
Not surprisingly, Letelier’s son, Juan Pablo Letelier, today a deputy in the Chilean Congress, also reacted sharply to Moscoso’s action. Letelier called the pardons “an imprudent decision” with “international repercussions” in Chile’s “La Tercera”.
The Cuban government broke relations with Panama just eight hours after the president pardoned “the Hemisphere’s top terrorist”, Posada Carriles, and the other three.
In the 1960s, Guillermo and his brother had linked their political fortunes with an overtly fascist anti-Castro group called the Cuban Nationalist Movement. According to FBI Agents Carter Cornick and Scherrer, whose police work helped crack the Letelier Moffitt assassination case and point the finger at the highest levels of the Pinochet government, Novo pursued his violent anti-Castro activities throughout the 1960s and early 1970s. Scherrer claimed that “he tried to finance through drug dealing. But we could never make a charge stick.” Guillermo’s reputation as a tough guy included an incident where, to show his courage and machismo, drove his car into a brick wall at high speed.
In 1975 Guillermo and Ignacio had already forged links with General Pinochet’s secret police. Indeed, FBI Agents Scherrer and Carter Cornick, who was the point man on the Letelier case, were convinced that the Novo brothers had played key roles in the assassination of anti-Castro exile Rolando Masferrer whose death directly benefited Jorge Mas Canosa, the man who went on to lead the Cuban American National Foundation, the most powerful anti-Castro pressure group in the nation.
Masferrer, a Senator in Batista’s Cuba, won his notoriety for leading a small army known as "Masferrer's Tigers." Prior to Castro’s assumption of power in January 1959, these thugs attacked violently factions that opposed the Batista regime. In exile in Miami, he bought and published a Spanish language newspaper named Libertad. But he also continued his better-paying occupation: the extortion of small and easily intimidated business people in south Florida.
Masferrer, a master of anti-Castro slogans, supported violence against the Cuban revolution. But his efforts had brought no results and the more ambitious exiled Cubans began to think of his rhetoric and his purported militant actions as a front for his “business” activities. Masferrer stood as an obstacle to Mas Canosa’s plans to forge an effective and unified counter revolution, which would include meaningful violence and political pressure.
In the early fall of 1975, Masferrer’s bodyguards discovered Ignacio Novo stooping under Masferrer’s auto. According to Agent Scherrer, “the heavies dragged Iggy into the office and stuck his head in the toilet. Then they stripped him and threw him into the street. I guess they figured they had scared him.”
Shortly afterwards, on October 31, 1975, Masferrer started his car and died as a bomb planted under the car exploded. The bomb went off under his car – a bomb very similar to the one that killed Letelier. “So I always figured the Novos had done that job and maybe gotten Townley.” Scherrer referred to Michael Townley, the Chilean DINA agent who later recruited the Novos into the Letelier plot. “I thought Townley did them a favor (making the Masferrer bomb). Then, about a year later, he asked them for a favor (helping him assassinate Letelier).”
Let's see if we can make sense out of this: On Tuesday, Washington denied visas to a number of Cuban scholars - I repeat, scholars - who had been invited to participate in an academic conference in Las Vegas.
Yet, in what amounted to a suspension of the war on terror, a few weeks ago, Pedro Remn, Guillermo Novo Sampol and Gaspar Jimeniz - three Cuban-Americans with long and proven ties to terrorist activities in this country and abroad - were given a celebrity welcome to the U.S.
Terrorists yes, scholars no? It doesn't make any sense.
On Sept. 28, the U.S. Interests Section in Havana informed the Cuban authorities that they had turned down the requested visas of every single one of 61 Cuban scholars who were supposed to take part in the Latin American Studies Association (LASA) convention in Las Vegas Oct 7-10.
Such action was based on Section 212, an executive order issued during the Reagan administration that allows denial of visas on the grounds that it is not in the interests of the U.S. to grant visas to persons who are employees of the Cuban government and/or members of the Cuban Communist Party.
"In short," said Michael Erisman, a political science professor at Indiana State University and a member of LASA, "it is a blanket authorization to deny visas, since practically all Cubans, and certainly all Cuban academics, are government employees, just as those of us in the U.S. who work at public institutions are government employees."
Yet Remn, Novo and Jimeniz, who along with former CIA operative Luis Posada Carriles had been in a Panamanian prison, accused of plotting to assassinate Fidel Castro at a summit of Latin American leaders in 2000, had no problems with federal authorities.
The fact that, according to the charges, they were planning to use 33 pounds of explosives to assassinate Castro at the University of Panama did not raise any red flags with immigration authorities. Those authorities happily looked the other way when the three men returned to the U.S. through the Opa-Locka airport in Florida.
Officials in Washington did not seem to mind that the explosives the men intended to use were enough to destroy an armored car, damage everything within 220 yards and kill not only Castro but dozens of Panamanian university students as well. Recently, the men had been sentenced to seven to eight years in prison for endangering public safety.
But on Aug. 28, they were pardoned by outgoing Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso, who many believe was pressured to do so by Washington. And, outrageously enough, the trio arrived in Florida to great fanfare just in time to commemorate the third anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on American soil. It seems that for all its rhetoric about democracy, what really scares this administration the most is a free exchange of ideas.
"We expected some casualties, but never a blanket denial of visas," said Erisman. "This case is, at least to the best of my knowledge, the most extreme application - and abuse - of the Section 212 provisions in terms of the size of the group that has been denied visas."
Terrorists yes, scholars no. Whatever happened to the war on terror? Call it opportunism or call it hypocrisy - it doesn't make much difference. The fact is that this is an election year and Florida must be won. And candidate Bush seems willing to go very far to woo the ultraconservative Cuban-American vote. Last time I looked, this was called hypocrisy.
Forty years after John Kennedy's murder in Dallas, the event remains a part of the American conscious. Polls show the majority of the public still believes there was some sort of conspiracy involved in his assassination and the average person thinks it just might be exposed once the government releases all the confidential documents some day. Those that deny the conspiracy question scoff at all this, stating that no conspiracy could have been good enough that somebody would not have talked after all this time. After all we all know even successful criminals feel compelled to tell someone, sometime. Someone Would Have Talked tackles that objection head on, examining a number of examples of individuals who talked when they shouldn't have. Some talked before the assassination and some afterwards. These are not the people who sold their stories or whose names you would see in the tabloids. These are real people, many of them involved in the secret war against Castro and the U.S. Government project intended to assassinate him. You find their remarks in reports made to Police, the FBI and Secret Service. Reports which were never addressed in any coordinated or proactive criminal investigation. The records have been released, people have talked, witnesses have finally revealed the elements of both the conspiracy and the cover-up, the real history is here in Someone Would Have Talked and the 1,400 pages of reference exhibits that come on this CD with it. (Larry Hancock, JFK Lancer Publications)
Guillermo Novo - History
[REF: binder part 7 ]
U.S. Department of Justice
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Washington D.C. 20535
Omega 7, a violent Miami, Florida-based anti-Castro Cuban terrorist group, was formed on September 11, 1974, by Eduardo Arocena. The name Omega 7 comes from the fact that there were seven original members from different anti-Castro Cuban factions. The number of individuals actively participating in this group was believed to be less than 20 members. However, Omega 7 was condoned and supported by the Cuban Nationalist Movement (CNM), whose membership and resources were considerably larger. The CNM, a violent anti-Castro Cuban exile group, was founded in 1960. However, pressure on the CNM as a result of the September 21, 1976, car-bomb assassination of the former Chilean Ambassador Orlando Letelier, and the arrest of Armando Santana, its leader in the late 1970s, essentially destroyed the group.
The main areas of operation for the Omega 7 were the New York, New Jersey, and Miami, Florida, areas. Its primary targets were representatives of the Cuban Government or any individual, organization, facility, or business that dealt with or supported in any way, the communist government of Fidel Castro. The majority of Omega 7 attacks were bombings, shootings, and assassinations. Its terrorist attacks were usually well-planned and flawlessly executed. Many of the Omega 7 members were veterans of the Bay of Pigs invasion who were trained in demolition, intelligence, and commando techniques. Their expertise, combined with the financial resources available to them through the exiled Cuban community, gave the Omega 7 an almost unlimited potential for terrorist activity.
In 1983, Arocena was arrested and prosecuted on 42 counts of violating Federal statutes pertaining to conspiracy, explosives, firearms, destruction of foreign government property within the United States, and destruction of property in interstate and foreign commerce. Several Omega 7 members were prosecuted during 1984, for refusing to testify before a Federal Grand Jury. During 1986, three of its members pled guilty to conspiracy to destroy property of a foreign government. There have been no Omega 7 attacks since 1983.
OMEGA 7 BACKGROUND AND THE FBI INVESTIGATION
Omega 7 developed out of the Cuban anti-Castro community in Newark, New Jersey. Like potential future violent anti-Castro groups, Omega 7 was composed of militant members of established organizations who wanted immediate action against the Government of Cuba. During late 1974, Eduardo Arocena, founder and leader of the group, recruited members of the Movimiento Insurreccional Martiano (MIM) to form the nucleus of Omega 7. The MIM, which is named after the 19th Century Cuban writer-politician Jose Marti, was organized after a split occurred within the anti-Castro group Insurrectional Movement for Revolutionary Recovery (MIRR) during the late 1960s. Arocena also began to contact members of the Cuban Nationalist Movement (CNM). The cnm had been active in the United States since 1959 and had conducted several bombings and terrorist attacks during the 1960s. For instance, in 1964, Guillermo and Ignacio Novo, members of the CNM, fired a bazooka at the United Nations building while hero of the Cuban revolution, Ernesto "Che" Guevara, was delivering a speech. The shop fell short of the United Nations, landing in the East River almost hitting a freighter.
After Omega 7 was formed, it remained independent of both the CNM and MIM, although individuals from the three different groups continued to associate with each other. According to Arocena, Guillermo Novo, leader of the CNM during the mid-1970s, knew that Arocena and others were members of Omega 7 however, in an effort to confuse law enforcement authorities, the CNM claimed that it was Omega 7. These coordinated deception efforts were effective. From 1975 until early 1981, it was generally believed that the CNM was Omega 7. It wasn't until after investigations linked the CNM to the September, 1976, car bombing which killed former Chilean Ambassador to the United States Orlando Letelier and his associate Ronni Moffet that it was determined that Omega 7 and the CNM were separated organizations. Pressure on the CNM as a result of the Letelier investigation and the arrest of Armando Santana, its leader in the late 1970s essentially destroyed the group. Currently, Virgilio Paz and Dionisio Suarez, CNM members who were also known to be associated with Omega 7, remain FBI fugitives for their roles in the Letelier assassination.
THE FBI INVESTIGATION
During December, 1980, shortly after a bombing at the Cuban consulate in Montreal, Canada, Pedro Remon and Ramon Sanchez were stopped by U.S. immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) officials when they attempted to run the border back into the United States. Their identities were determined and they were released by INS. The information obtained by INS was forwarded to the FBI and the Omega 7 investigation began to focus on their activities and those of their associates Eduardo Arocena, Andres Garcia and Eduardo Fernandez Losada. All these suspects were from the Newark, New Jersey area with the exception of Sanchez, who was known as a staunch anti-Castro activist from Miami, Florida, who had a previously proven propensity for violence.
Investigation into Pedro Remon's background indicated that he was in frequent telephonic contact with Eduardo Arocena, with many of the telephone calls occurring around the times of Omega 7 crimes. Moreover, record checks and interviews at car rental agencies disclosed that Arocena and Remon had rented cars at Newark International Airport shortly before several Omega 7 crimes. Comparison with New York City Police Department records revealed that one of Arocena's rental cars received a parking ticket across the street from the Cuban Mission to the United Nations (CMUN) in New York on the day Omega 7 assassinated Cuban diplomat Felix Garcia Rodriguez. Subpoenaed records turned up a copy of Arocena's canceled check paying the parking ticket.
FBI investigation into the activities of the suspects led to grand jury proceedings in the Southern District of New York. On September 2, 1982, Arocena and other suspected Omega 7 members were subpoenaed to appear and testify before the grand jury. All the suspects except Arocena asserted their Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination. Arocena, although advised of his status as a subject in the investigation, testified and insisted that he had no connection to Omega 7, that he had no idea how Omega 7 raised funds, and that he knew nothing about Omega 7 other than what he read in the newspaper.
Following his grand jury appearance, Arocena gave fingerprints and handwriting exemplars. While doing this, he was urged to cooperate with the government. Arocena said he would think about it and, after several additional contacts, agreed to meet on September 24, 1982. After some initial discussion in which Arocena claimed that he "represented Omar," the leader of Omega 7, Arocena finally admitted he was Omar.
While cooperating, Arocena provided the first solid insights into Omega 7 and details on the numerous bombings and two murders committed by the group. After cooperating for 5 days, and traveling from New York to Miami, Florida in an attempt to locate over 600 pounds of explosives to which Pedro Remon allegedly had access Arocena failed to attend several scheduled meetings with the FBI. On October 1, 1982, Arocena telephoned Agents and said that he had gone into hiding. He remained a fugitive until his arrest in Miami on July 22, 1983.
The two murders committed by Omega 7 were the assassinations of Eulalio Jose Negrin, a pro-Castro Cuban activist in Union City, New Jersey and Felix Garcia Rodriguez, a Cuban diplomat assigned to the CMUN. Arocena, while cooperating, identified Pedro Remon as the trigger man in both of the assassinations. Negrin, who was shot in front of his son on November 25, 1979, was killed because of his pro-Castro activities. Garcia, killed on September 11, 1980, the sixth anniversary of the founding of Omega 7, was shot with the same weapons as Negrin, a MAC 10 machine gun. He was assassinated because he was a Cuban official and represented a target of opportunity. Arocena had originally planned to have four Cuban officials killed on September 11, 1980, however this plan was aborted when Omega 7 members following the Cuban officials lost them in heavy traffic.
Arocena, while cooperating, also provided information on the Omega 7 attempts to assassinate Raul Roa-Kouri, Cuban ambassador to the United Nations, and Ramon Sanchez Parodi, Chief, Cuban Interests Section (CUBIS), Washington, D.C., during 1980. The Roa-Kouri attempt was conducted on March 25, 1980 when Pedro Remon placed a bomb with a radio controlled firing system on the gas tank of Roa Kouri's car. The firing system for this bomb had originally been assembled for use in a bomb intended to assassinate Fidel Castro in October, 1979 when he attended a session of the United Nations. However, this attempt was aborted because Arocena was not able to have the bomb placed close enough to Castro. Arocena subsequently disassembled the bomb and retained it for future use.
In the Roa-Kouri assassination attempt, the bomb, with the same radio controlled firing system used in the aborted attempt on Castro, was attached to the gas tank of the car by magnets however, it fell off and was discovered after the chauffeur accidentally backed into another vehicle while parking. Arocena, who had the responsibility of detonating the bomb by remote control, called off the attack after the bomb fell off the car because of a large number of school children in the area.
The assassination attempt on Sanchez Parodi was to be conducted during late September, 1980 but was cancelled after Remon and Eduardo Losada Fernandez were arrested in Belleville, New Jersey on September 24, 1982, while attempting to steal a car. Remon and Losada were going to use the stolen car to drive to Washington, D.C. to bomb CUBIS in an attempt to kill Sanchez Parodi.
In addition to providing information on the assassinations and attempted assassinations, Arocena provided the FBI with details on how he constructed bombs used in most of the Omega 7 operations and information on a split in the organization which occurred during late 1980. Arocena stated that he personally constructed most of the explosive devices used by Omega 7. The bombs usually consisted of either Gelodyne, dynamite or military C-4 and were constructed using detonating cord as a booster. Arocena, who received his training in explosives from Cuba exiles who had been trained by the CIA, would prime the detonation cord with the blasting cap, knot the detonation cord on the other end and place the knot into the main explosive charge. This was done because some commercial blasting caps are not powerful enough to detonate certain types of explosives, especially C-4. (Appendix 2 contains a list of Omega 7 actions.)
While cooperating with the FBI, Arocena acknowledged that early 1981 an ideological split took place in Omega 7. According to Arocena, Omega 7 members Pedro Remon, Eduardo Ochoa, Ramon Sanchez, Alberto Perez and Jose Gracia, Jr. were aligning themselves with the philosophy of Huber Matos (supra) and his group CID. Arocena considered Matos an opportunist with socialist and communist tendencies. He did not want Omega 7 members associated with his philosophy or organization consequently, a split took place.
In addition to philosophical differences within Omega 7, it appears that in late 1980, Pedro Remon and Ramon Sanchez may have been attempting to take control of the group from Arocena. The fight for control of Omega 7 and the philosophical differences between Arocena and Remon led to a permanent split in early 1981. Arocena, and Remon led to a permanent split in early 1981. Arocena, who had moved to Miami, Florida in the fall of 1980, completely ended his relationship with Remon and the other Omega 7 members and began recruiting new members for the group in Miami. Some of these new recruits were Ernesto Gomez, Gerardo Necuze, Ignacio Gonzalez and Justo M. Rodriguez. Remon, Sanchez, Garcia, Losada and Ochoa remained together and bombed the Cuban Consulate in Montreal, Canada in December, 1980. As previously stated, it was after this bombing that Remon and Sanchez were stopped by INS officials and FBI investigations began to focus on their activities.
A full understanding and conclusive identification of Omega 7 members did not take place until Arocena began cooperating with the FBI in September, 1982. Although his cooperation only lasted five days, after which he fled and resumed bombing attacks in Miami, he provided the FBI with a general understanding of the past activities and objectives of the organization. The information Arocena provided directly implicated himself and other members of Omega 7 in the numerous bombings and two murders. Although it remains unclear, it is believed Arocena cooperated because he believed Remon and other Omega 7 members were cooperating with the grand jury and implicating him in the murders of Negrin and Garcia and the Omega 7 bombings. Arocena also apparently believed that Guillermo Novo (supra), who was involved in the Letelier assassination in 1976, had identified him as the leader of Omega 7 to law enforcement authorities as early as 1979.
PERCEPTIONS AND FUNDING OF OMEGA 7
ANTI-CASTRO ACTIVITY BY THE CUBAN EXILE COMMUNITY
While Omega 7 was active, a significant portion of the Cuban exile community viewed the attacks against Cuban officials and Castro supporters in the United States as a continuation of the patriotic fight against communism. Omega 7 members considered themselves liberators of the Cuban people and vowed to continue their fight until Cuba was free of Castro and communism. Elements within the exile community provided Omega 7 with support by contributing money for operations or merely denying knowledge of Omega 7 activities. The support usually came about either out of sympathy or fear of reprisal. For instance, individuals who were believed to be in contact with Omega 7 members would often intentionally supply misleading or incorrect information when interviewed by the FBI. Even when confronted with documentation such as surveillance logs and photographs placing them in contact with Omega 7 suspects, the individuals being interviewed would disclaim association. This type of support provided Omega 7 with a secure base of operation which was difficult for law enforcement personnel to penetrate.
Although current information is incomplete, it appears that some Cuban exile businessmen in the Union City, New Jersey, area clandestinely funded Omega 7 and other Cuban anti-Castro groups. The businessmen established a network which would collect money in the form of "taxes" from all segments of the Cuban community who were able to contribute and then divide the money between the various groups they supported. The businessmen would not necessarily sanction or direct specific anti-Castro activities however, their ability to provide financial support probably gave them, at a minimum, indirect control over the various groups. Current reporting, although fragmented, suggests that the businessmen, who may still be active in funding anti-Castro groups, were involved in the flow of over $100,000 to the various groups.
PERCEPTIONS OF OMEGA 7 BY THE GOVERNMENT OF CUBA
In contrast to being viewed as freedom fighters against the tyranny of Cuban communism by the exile community, the GOC identified Omega 7 as its number one enemy in the United States, and in so doing enhanced the status of the group within the exile community. The GOC has historically considered its principal target in the United States to be the anti-Castro groups. The Cuban intelligence services (CuIS) actively direct assets in the United States to report on the plans, objectives, goals, and personnel of the various anti-Castro groups. CuIS have also been known to use their assets in the United States to attempt to confuse and fragment the exile community. In 1981, for instance, when Huber Matos' group CID was gaining power and support within the exile community, CuIS was gaining power and support within the exile community, CuIS contacted one of their assets and had him print leaflets sharply critical of the CID. The leaflets were fraudulently signed by another exile group, the Junta Patriotica Cubana (JPC). The CuIS objective in this operation was to cause a confrontation between the JPC and CID, thereby disrupting the entire Cuban exile community.
Although the CuIS were and continue to be able to successfully penetrate most of the anti-Castro groups, they never penetrated Omega 7. The GOC had a justifiable fear of Omega 7 because of the six bombings against the CMUN between 1976 and 1979, the assassination of Garcia and attempted assassinations of Roa-Kouri and Sanchez Parodi. Reports indicate that even though Omega 7 is no longer active, GOC officials in the United States continue of take extraordinary measures to protect themselves from attack. For instance, Cuban officials are usually armed when outside establishments and rarely travel alone. Generally, they socialize only among themselves and are highly suspicious of individuals who are not known to them or their associates.
OMEGA 7 INVOLVEMENT WITH NARCOTICS TRAFFICKERS
In addition to receiving support from the exile community, Arocena and Omega 7 apparently obtained some of their operating funds by performing collection functions for a narcotics trafficker. Beginning in late 1981, after Arocena had split with Remon and moved to Miami, Florida, he came in contact with Manuel Fernandez, a major marijuana trafficker. Fernandez provided Arocena with $50,000 and instructed him to collect money owed to him by Cuban exiles and South American narcotics users and traffickers. According to Fernandez, his agreement with Arocena was that Omega 7 would receive approximately 35 percent of the money they collected.
In addition to using Arocena to collect money owed him, Fernandez instructed Arocena to kill Luis Fuentes, a drug associate who had shot and robbed him, in May, 1981, of 40,000 pounds of marijuana worth about $8 million. When Arocena thought he had located Fuentes, he provided Fernandez with surveillance photographs. After examining the photos, Fernandez told Arocena that although the person in the photos resembled Fuentes, it was not Fuentes. Arocena continued to look for Fuentes but Fernandez eventually learned that Fuentes was in jail, so the murder contract was canceled.
After Arocena's arrest, a list from Fernandez identifying Cuban exiles who owed him money was found among Arocena's possessions. The total amount of money Fernandez had outstanding, according to the list, was $6,000,000. Also found with the list were surveillance notes and photographs indicating that Arocena and other members of Omega 7 had collected information on various individuals on the list. According to testimony by Fernandez and his associate, Maximiliano Lora, Arocena and Omega7 ultimately received a total of $150,000 for their services although Arocena never turned over any "collection" money to Fernandez. Arocena did, however, sell two used but functioning MAC 10 machine guns with silencers to Fernandez. Although Arocena and other Omega 7 members were involved with Fernandez, no information has been developed indicating that Arocena or Omega 7 members used narcotics.
FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE SUCCESS OF OMEGA 7
Review of the available information on Omega 7 suggests that the organization was able to successfully conduct anti-Castro terrorist attacks over an eight-year period because: it was a small, tightly knit group of dedicated anti-Castro fanatics, most of whom were unknown to law enforcement authorities and, it received financial support and some cooperation, at a minimum, silent approval which could be construed as tacit approval, from some elements of the Cuban exile community in the United States. In addition, the late 1980 split between Arocena and Remon and the creation of an entirely new group after Arocena moved to Miami, Florida, further hampered investigations.
Ashland (ASH) electes Guillermo Novo as Chairman and CEO
Ashland Global Holdings Inc. (NYSE: ASH) today announced that the Board of Directors (the “Board”) has elected Guillermo Novo as Chairman and CEO of Ashland, effective December 31, 2019. William A. Wulfsohn will continue to serve as Chairman and CEO through the end of this year to ensure a smooth transition. Following Mr. Wulfsohn’s departure from Ashland, the Board will be composed of 10 members, nine of whom are independent.
Mr. Novo is an accomplished industry executive, bringing more than three decades of specialty materials experience to Ashland. From 2016 to 2019, he served as President and CEO of Versum Materials, a highly regarded Semiconductor Materials supplier. From 2012 through 2016, Mr. Novo worked at Air Products and Chemicals, Inc., where he most recently served as Executive Vice President of Materials Technologies. Prior to joining Air Products and Chemicals, Inc. Mr. Novo worked at Dow Chemical Company where he served as group Vice President, Dow Coating Materials, a large specialty chemicals business. Earlier in his career, Mr. Novo progressed through a variety of commercial, marketing and management positions over the course of 24 years with Dow and Rohm and Haas. In May 2019, Mr. Novo was elected to the Ashland Board.
Jay Ihlenfeld, Lead Independent Director of Ashland, said, “Guillermo’s election represents the completion of a comprehensive and thoughtful assessment by the Board regarding the right qualities and experience for the next leader of Ashland. Guillermo is a seasoned executive who is exceptionally positioned to lead our company and enhance shareholder value given his deep knowledge of the specialty materials space as well as his years of global leadership and operations experience. Having joined Ashland’s Board in May, Guillermo is ready to hit the ground running, and we are confident that Bill and Guillermo working closely together will ensure a seamless transition of responsibilities for all of our stakeholders.”
Ihlenfeld added, “The Company has benefited from Bill’s leadership and expertise and we are grateful for his service and contributions toward enhancing shareholder value. As a result, Ashland is now well-positioned with a singular focus on the attractive specialty chemicals market. We thank Bill and wish him all the best in his retirement.”
“It has been a great privilege to lead Ashland over the past five years, and I am proud of what we have accomplished,” said Wulfsohn. “With the support of our hard-working and dedicated team, we have taken aggressive actions to transform Ashland into a leading specialty chemicals company. I believe that it’s the right time to transition the Company to new leadership, and I am confident that Guillermo will continue to propel Ashland forward.”
Novo stated, “I am honored to succeed Bill as Ashland’s next CEO and am excited about the opportunity. Today, Ashland has a great business, a clear strategy and a strong team focused on driving results and building on our momentum as an industry leader. I look forward to continuing to work with the Board, our experienced management, and all of our team members to advance Ashland’s strategy and create value for our customers and shareholders.”
Guillermo Novo - History
The Assassination Geezers: Guillermo Novo and Me
Twenty two years ago, in the hallway of the Washington DC Federal Court Building, Guillermo Novo threatened me. So, when I read that on November 18, 2000 Panamanian cops had arrested him on an assassination charge, I felt the pleasant tingle of relief. Novo has reached the age--mid sixties--where his back goes out more than he does. Yet, instead of starting their own anti-Castro AARP chapter, he and three other rabidly Cuban geriatrics went to Panama to whack Cuba's president. The Cuban leader went to Panama for an Iberian Summit in the Fall of 2000 and Cuban security agents tipped off the Panamanians to search the car the group had rented. It contained 30 pounds of explosives and appropriate detonating material plus fingerprints that matched some of the defendants.
The four men (Guillermo, Luis Posada Carriles, Pedro Remon and Gaspar Jimenez) claim that Fidel had set them up for a frame. Their lawyers argued that the ever wily Fidel lured them to Panama because he knew that these old geezers shared common obsessions: they had all sworn to kill him and had participated in previous assassinations. They justified their lethal deeds as necessary steps in their holy war against the Caribbean demon.
Guillermo Novo reminds me of Jason or Freddy, except that his violence took place in real life and not in movies. I remember the cold chill of that morning in the courthouse hall in 1981. An appeals court had reversed on procedural grounds his conviction for eight counts of conspiracy to assassinate Orlando Letelier. At the new trial, the jury had just acquitted him and co-defendant Alvin Ross of conspiracy charges (Letelier, a former Ambassador and Cabinet Minister in the government of Salvador Allende, died along with Ronni Moffitt, his colleague at the Institute for Policy Studies, when a bomb planted under his car exploded on September 21, 1976).
The jury had also acquitted Ignacio Novo, Guillermo's younger brother, of aiding and abetting the conspiracy. The panel did convict Guillermo of lying to the grand jury about his knowledge of the murder plot. The judge ruled, however, that he had already served the time he would have been given.
As the courtroom emptied, the two Novo brothers, Ross, their families and supporters used the hallway to continue their buoyant celebration. Then Guillermo saw me staring at them--in dismay, since I could not understand how the jury could have come to such a verdict in light of the overwhelming evidence presented.
Looking at me murderously, he hissed and then, as if continuing his conversation with Ignacio, said in Spanish "Now we can finish off the rest of these communist pigs."
I responded maturely by sticking out my tongue and blowing a loud raspberry.
Guillermo's eyes narrowed, his mouth opened a fraction of an inch as if fangs might come out and then he took a few belligerent steps toward me. I instantly wished I could take back my gesture.
Luckily for me, FBI Special Agent Robert Scherrer stepped between us and opened his jacket, showing Guillermo his holstered gun. Novo backed away. Scherrer said some nasty-toned things I couldn't decipher and Guillermo and company made for the elevators.
"That was stupid," Scherrer told me, shaking his head in disbelief. "That man is a murderer." Scherrer then provided me with what he knew of Novo's life, starting with his 1964 arrest for firing a bazooka at the United Nations headquarters in New York City, through a variety of drug arrests--no convictions -- and finally his role as organizer of the gang that helped DINA, the Chilean secret police, to assassinate Letelier.
The 1964 bazooka incident exemplifies Novo's character. According to the December 23, 1964 New York Times, Guillermo and Ignacio "bought the bazooka, a portable rocket launcher, for $35 in an Eighth Avenue shop and rebuilt it."
He waited for the time at which Cuba's Che Guevara was scheduled to address the UN General Assembly and then fired the shell "from the East River waterfront" in Long Island, facing the UN building across the river. The shell, said the Times "landed in the East River about 200 yards short of the 38-story United Nations Secretariat building, sending up a 15-foot geyser of water."
Guevara had been verbally attacking US policy when the incident took place. He laughed it off, saying "it gave added flavor to his speech." Investigators said the bazooka "had been elevated to about 20 degrees, so that the shell had traveled only about 800 yards. If it had been elevated at a higher angle, it could have carried as far as 1,300 yards, and shattered the glass and concrete facade of the United Nations building, causing many casualties among the 5,000 persons there at the time."
In the 1960s, Guillermo and his brother had linked their political fortunes with an overtly fascist anti-Castro group called the Cuban Nationalist Movement. According to FBI Agents Carter Cornick and Scherrer, whose police work helped crack the Letelier Moffitt assassination case and point the finger at the highest levels of the Pinochet government, Novo pursued his violent anti-Castro activities throughout the 1960s and early 1970s. Scherrer claimed that "he tried to finance through drug dealing. But we could never make a charge stick." Guillermo's reputation as a tough guy included an incident where, to show his courage and machismo, drove his car into a brick wall at high speed.
In 1975 Guillermo and Ignacio had already forged links with General Pinochet's secret police. Indeed, FBI Agents Scherrer and Carter Cornick, who was the point man on the Letelier case, were convinced that the Novo brothers had played key roles in the assassination of anti-Castro exile Rolando Masferrer whose death directly benefited Jorge Mas Canosa, the man who went on to lead the Cuban American National Foundation, the most powerful anti-Castro pressure group in the nation.
Masferrer, a Senator in Batista's Cuba, won his notoriety for leading a small army known as "Masferrer's Tigers." Prior to Castro's assumption of power in January 1959, these thugs attacked violently factions that opposed the Batista regime. In exile in Miami, he bought and published a Spanish language newspaper named Libertad. But he also continued his better-paying occupation: the extortion of small and easily intimidated business people in south Florida.
Masferrer, a master of anti-Castro slogans, supported violence against the Cuban revolution. But his efforts had brought no results and the more ambitious exiled Cubans began to think of his rhetoric and his purported militant actions as a front for his "business" activities. Masferrer stood as an obstacle to Mas Canosa's plans to forge an effective and unified counter revolution, which would include meaningful violence and political pressure.
In the early fall of 1975, Masferrer's bodyguards discovered Ignacio Novo stooping under Masferrer's auto. According to Agent Scherrer, "the heavies dragged Iggy into the office and stuck his head in the toilet. Then they stripped him and threw him into the street. I guess they figured they had scared him."
Shortly afterwards, on October 31, 1975, Masferrer started his car and died as a bomb planted under the car exploded. The bomb went off under his car--a bomb very similar to the one that killed Letelier. "So I always figured the Novos had done that job and maybe gotten Townley." Scherrer referred to Michael Townley, the Chilean DINA agent who later recruited the Novos into the Letelier plot. "I thought Townley did them a favor [making the Masferrer bomb]. Then, about a year later, he asked them for a favor [helping him assassinate Letelier]."
Shortly after Guillermo Novo left the courthouse in 1981 he forged official links with the Cuban American National Foundation, becoming a member of their "Information Commission."
"What," asked Agent Scherrer rhetorically, "did Guillermo know about information? Look at his jobs-- doorman, used car salesman and professional assassin. How does that qualify someone to hold a post on the information commission?"
In late 1981, I received a phone call from Ricardo Canete, a former pal of Guillermo's who had subsequently testified against him at both trials. He told me that Guillermo had put out a "hit" on me and to watch my step.
Scherrer verified the information. "Yes," he said, "you're a target of convenience." As I broke out into a cold sweat talking to him on the phone, he explained that I should not travel to Union City, New Jersey, where Guillermo and his thugs still lived, and to keep a low profile if I went to Miami. "I doubt they'll come to Washington just to get you. You're not that important," he laughed.
I've taken Scherrer's advise. Once, a few years ago, in a Miami restaurant I thought I saw him and lost my appetite. The murderous look that he wore on his face that day in the court house will remain engraved in the fear section of my brain.
Almost three years after their arrests, a Panamanian judge ruled that sufficient evidence existed to bring Guillermo and the other still maturing terrorists to trial. What ever happened to the saying: "Old daredevils never die, they just get discouraged." Not these guys. May the trials begin and justice prevail -- swiftly!
Saul Landau is a fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies. He teaches at Cal Poly Pomona University.
Guillermo Novo - History
The Miami Mafia In Canada
THE "right-hand man" of Ismael Sambra, current leader of the Cuban Canadian Foundation, was arrested in December 1990 as chief of a drug trafficking gang, resulting in the most important seizure of cocaine in Montreal's history.
On May 7, 1993, Máximo Morales, aged 57 and of Cuban origin, plead guilty to charges of conspiracy and importing 115 kilograms of the drug just a small quantity of the huge volume of drugs that his organization had trafficked.
At that time, Morales represented the French-speaking province of Quebec on the executive of a "human rights" faction founded by Sambra, whose was located in Toronto. However, according to various sources, the drug trafficker was aspiring to take over the presidency of the small organization.
Owner of the Les Aliments Morales, a food import firm with offices in the Quebec neighborhood of Montreal-Est, Máximo Morales had financed the creation of his business during the 1980s with the profits from various drug trafficking operations he had carried out.
On December 2, 1990, the Montreal municipal police seized several packets containing a total of 115 kilograms of cocaine with an estimated street value of $80 million and subsequently arrested Morales and some of his accomplices.
The drugs were hidden under the flooring of a vehicle that belonged to the drug trafficker. Efforts to conceal the goods had been carried out in such a "professional" manner, that it took detectives and experts two hours to discover the drugs stashed between two metal panels.
The drugs were wrapped in newspapers from Medellín, the notorious drug trafficking city in Colombia.
According to statements by police officers at the time of the arrest, detectives assessed that Morales' organization - a mafioso group led by César Riviera from Toronto - had imported 1,500 kilograms of cocaine the year before the "businessman's" arrest and earnings worth $3.4 million during the six weeks prior to that event.
In that period, the Rivera-Morales network controlled half the cocaine market for the Canadian province of Ontario, according to information circulated at the time of the police operation.
Morales was also accused of firing shots at another individual on a separate occasion outside his business, in an incident linked to his criminal activities.
The arrest of the Cuban-born "business man" for drug trafficking surprised many people, given that Morales presented himself as a "defender of freedom" and was the leader of the Canadian section of the Democratic and Independent Cuba group, under the treacherous Cuban commander Huber Matos. Some days before his arrest, he had played host to Matos on the latter's much talked about visit to Montreal.
Morales, who received a lengthy prison term, left jail suspiciously quickly in order to once again take up control of his businesses.
For his part, CCF leader Ismael Sambra passed himself off as the "writer in residence" at the University of York in 2000, without the center awarding him this accreditation and despite numerous protests to the institution's dean from other lecturers.
Sambra is regularly quoted by the Canadian press as a "spokesperson" for Cubans resident in Canada, even though his organization cannot rally more than a handful of members, and introduces himself to the press as a "human rights defender."
SPAWNED BY THE TERRORIST CANF
Granma International revealed in 2003 how Sambra's arrival in Canada was sponsored by a mysterious "anonymous donor" who had urged the head of York University to "provide him with a cover," and how he went on to create his organization with the support of Miami's Cuban-American National Foundation (CANF).
The CANF is the most significant anti-Cuban organization in Miami, founded by CIA agent Jorge Mas Canosa at the request of the Reagan-Bush administration, and is closely linked to a whole series of terrorist acts committed against Cuba.
In an interview with U.S. daily, The New York Times, published on July 12 and 13, 1998, international terrorist Luis Posada Carriles confessed to having organized the bombing campaign against tourist facilities in Cuba the previous year and acknowledged that CANF leaders had financed his operations. He also confessed that its president Jorge Mas Canosa had personally supervised the flow of money he had benefited from.
Posada Carriles is currently imprisoned in Panama with three accomplices from Miami, awaiting the result of a case in which they were tried for an attempted terrorist attack. The conspirators tried to blow up the lecture hall at the University of Panama where the Cuban president was going to speak. The attack could have caused as many deaths as the attack on the Twin Towers in New York, according to experts. The Cuban-American National Foundation has helped to fund the team of lawyers responsible for defending the terrorists.
Another counterrevolutionary "leader" resident in Canada for many years is Antonio Tang Baez - who has been linked to Máximo Morales on several occasions - is exhibiting himself as a representative of the Alpha 66 terrorist organization and acknowledged as such in its publications. In 1985, Tang took part in a plot to assassinate the Cuban president, according to an Internet article by the group that openly reveals how "during one of his frequent visits to Miami, he received military training for terrorist activities."
CANADA, VICTIM OF ANTI-CUBA TERRORISM
The link between Ismael Sambra's group and the CANF in Miami, the criminal history of Máximo Morales who trafficked drugs through his accomplices in Florida and "activist" Antonio Tang's appointment as Alpha 66 representative in Canada, allows us to recall how anti-Cuba capos in the United States have used Canada to develop terrorist activities as well as attacking companies and organizations from that country linked to Cuba.
Cuban and Canadian press archives make it possible to establish a list of at least 15 Miami attacks on the island perpetrated by Miami terrorist mafia who have ties with Canada.
* August 9, 1964: attack on the Cuban boat María Teresa in the port of Montreal. Attributed to Guillermo Novo Sampoll, leader of the Cuban Nationalist Movement (MNC), currently detained in Panama with ringleader Luis Posada Carriles.
* October 5, 1966: bombing of the offices of the Cuban trade delegation in Ottawa resulting in considerable damage.
* September 22, 1966: bazooka attack on the Cuban embassy in Ottawa. Attributed to MNC leader Guillermo Novo Sampoll.
* March 11, 1967: bomb explodes in Montreal at the warehouses of Fraser Brothers, a Canadian firm that traded with Cuba.
* That same March 11, 1967: an explosion at Ruby Foo's restaurant in Montreal. Guillermo Novo Sampoll and his brother Ignacio were arrested on April 7 of that year and interrogated by the FBI in relation to both attacks, according to declassified documents. Neither of them charged.
* May 31, 1967: an explosive device detonated at the Cuba Pavilion in the Universal Exhibition in Montreal, an attack attributed to Cuban Nationalist Action (ANC), headed by Orlando Bosch. MNC leader Felipe Rivero Díaz was arrested in connection with the attack but never charged.
* October 15, 1967: another bomb explodes at the offices of the Cuban trade delegation in Montreal, attributed to Guillermo and Ignacio Novo Sampoll from the MNC.
* January 31, 1968: Guillermo Novo Sampoll affirmed that the MNC had terrorist groups in several different countries, including Canada, threatening embassies and merchant banks. The details came from an interview with Alfredo Izaguirre from La Prensa daily in New York, according to a declassified FBI document.
* July 4, 1968: attack on a Canadian tourist office in the United States, carried out by Poder Cubano (Cuban Power).
* October 18, 1968: attack on the offices of a Canadian airline in Miami.
* May 29, 1969: explosive device placed in the doorway of Cuba's General Consulate in Montreal.
* July 12, 1971: explosion at the offices of the Cuban trade delegation in Montreal, attributed to the Gobierno Secreto Cubano (GSC) organization.
* April 4, 1972: explosion at the trade section of the Cuban delegation in Montreal kills Sergio Pérez Castillo. Seven people wounded and significant material damage. The crime was attributed to Antonio Calatayud, then an MNC terrorist and currently leader of the Cuban National Congress in Miami.
* December 13, 1972: GSC plants a bomb at the office of Canadian firm Michael's Forwarding in the United States that traded with Cuba.
* January 21, 1974: bomb at the Cuban embassy in Ottawa attributed to Orlando Bosch.
* June 1974: Bosch creates the Secretariat of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU) and later confessed to having sent a letter bomb to the Cuban embassy in Ottawa, according to a declassified FBI document.
* September 22,1976: explosive device lobbed from a car at the Cuban Consulate in Montreal. Orlando Bosch's CORU held responsible for the attack.
* February 10, 1978: Canadian diplomats threatened by Orlando Bosch's CORU organization.
* January 14, 1980: bomb goes off at the Cuban consulate in Montreal causing considerable damage to the building.
* December 1980: Pedro Remón linked to the campaign of attacks by Omega 7 for the first time after being interrogated by immigration officers at the U.S-Canadian border on his way back from Montreal accompanied by Ramon Saúl Sanchez Rizo.
None of the suspects have ever been charged by the courts for any of these acts of terrorism.
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Miami's Guillermo Novo: freedom fighter or criminal?
Most Cubans have turned into "zombies" and are no longer willing to sacrifice their lives in the fight to topple the socialist government, said the former leader of a Cuban nationalist group.
"You don't win your homeland by talking," said Guillermo Novo. "The United States didn't gain independence by talking to England. People fought. It's the only way for people to become independent."
Novo, 65, of Miami, led the Cuban Nationalist Movement in the 1960s and '70s. He has been linked to a string of high-profile incidents, including a 1964 bazooka attack at the United Nations in New York, the 1976 car-bomb murder of a former Chilean ambassador and a November 2000 assassination plot against Fidel Castro in Panama.
While Novo was in custody in Panama, Cuban authorities requested his extradition and accused him of plotting to kill Castro in 1997, 1998 and 2000.
In a recent interview with CubaNews at his Miami residence, Novo did not admit involvement in any attempts to kill Fidel. But he said he had no regrets about choosing confrontation over negotiation. "I continue to think that that is the way . Maybe I wouldn't do some things in the same way that I did. But I don't take anything back."
Novo said he's disappointed that no one has managed to kill Castro and other leaders of the revolution by now.
"They should have been violently executed by the Cuban people because that's the only way to pay for treason," he said. "We're going to go into history as a people who put up with more than a half-century of socialism."
Novo is a controversial figure. Some researchers have linked him to Operation 40, described as a secret CIA assassination squad. He was born in Cuba in 1944. His parents moved there from Majorca, off the coast of Spain. The family settled into Marianao, a suburb of Havana. But tragedy struck in 1952.
"A neighboring family had a small workshop. They made glue for shoe soles," he said. "Their son had increased the power of the boilers to show buyers the production capacity and the boilers exploded."
Novo said his father, nicknamed Pipo, had been in the living room watching TV. "A mosquito bit one of my sisters and Pipo told her, 'I'm going to get alcohol for the bite' and he went toward the back of the house. The explosion happened when he was in the kitchen."
The explosion killed Novo's father. No one else was hurt. Novo's mother took him and her four other kids to the U.S. two years later.
"We had an uncle who had come to New York in the 1940s and my mother decided we'd have a better future if she brought us to the United States," Novo said.
Fidel Castro took power in 1959. Early on, Novo supported the revolution. "I thought it would be good for Cuba."
He said he began questioning the revolution in 1960 when its supporters seized the Diario de la Marina newspaper in Havana. "I remember that impacted me. That fact and seeing that they were expropriating people's businesses . people struggle and you get there and take their business."
In 1961, Novo and his older brother Ignacio joined the Cuban Nationalist Movement.
Three years later, someone fired a bazooka at the United Nations building in New York while Ernesto "Che" Guevara was inside. The shell missed its target, landing in the East River. New York police arrested the Novo brothers, saying Guillermo Novo had bought the weapon at an Eighth Avenue shop for $35 and used it in the attack.
But the charges against the brothers were dropped because they were not properly advised of their rights, a 1979 FBI report said.
Ignacio Novo vowed to step up the fight against Fidel Castro. In 1968, he defended the bombings of government tourism offices that do business with Cuba. He also talked about executing "representatives of the Cuban government outside of Cuba."
In 1976, Ignacio Novo told an interviewer, "There have been ships blown up, Cuban property blown up, Cuban trade missions blow up . That kind of action." He also credited his group with assassinating Cuban ambassadors or agents. "Yes, that is all we can do at the moment. That is our only road."
In 1978, the FBI arrested and charged the brothers in connection with the murder of Orlando Letelier, a former diplomat and activist who supported Salvador Allende, Chile's former Marxist president. Letelier's assistant, Ronni Moffitt, was also killed.
On Mar. 23, 1979, Guillermo Novo stated: "I have not committed any crime . any injustice. We've been used as scapegoats."
Guillermo Novo was convicted of murder and conspiracy charges in 1979. A jury later reversed the conviction, but found the Novo brothers guilty of lying to a grand jury.
Asked about these past troubles, Guillermo Novo said: "I've broken the law and when you break the law of this country or any other and they catch you, then you've got to pay and that's what I did."
In 2000, Novo and three others--Luis Posada Carriles, Gaspar Jimenez and Pedro Remon--were accused of trying to assassinate Fidel Castro in Panama.
Police said they had planned to plant explosives at the University of Panama where Castro was speaking. Cuban security agents uncovered the plot and alerted Panamanian authorities. They captured the four men and seized a duffel bag containing 33 pounds of explosives. Posada received an eight-year jail sentence. The others got seven years.
In 2004, Mireyas Moscoso, then president of Panama, pardoned the four men. Novo returned to the States, where he wishes dissidents would do more to topple the Castros.
Dissidents "are somewhat confused," he said. "They live with constant brain-washing and aren't exposed to other ideas. "They haves no spirit of sacrifice."
“Indian New Deal”
In the 1930s, in an effort to remedy the hardships Native Americans had faced under U.S. policy, Commissioner of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) John Collier took advantage of the reformist spirit of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Presidency to change the course of U.S.-American Indian relations.
American Indian policy in the late 1800s undermined native culture by forcing Native Americans to assimilate into the European-American lifestyle.
Native children were taken away from their families at a young age to off-reservation Indian boarding schools.
Moreover, the Dawes Act of 1887 instituted the practice of allotment—the division of tribal land into personal tracts—which destabilized native communal life.
Collier, a prominent activist for Native American rights, was well aware of the negative effects these policies had on Native American communities.
In 1923 Collier became the Secretary of the Indian Defense Association (IDA). During his tenure at the IDA, the Institute for Government Research released the Meriam Report, which detailed the poor condition of tribal economies and the utter destitution in the Indian country.
According to the report, the average national per capita income in 1920 was $1,350 while the average Native American made only $100 a year.
The Meriam Report implicated U.S. Indian policy in helping to create such poverty.
Collier set out to reform Indian policy after President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed him to serve as the head of the BIA in 1933. The Collier era saw a dramatic change in the direction of U.S. American Indian policy, and that change would be initiated by the “Indian New Deal.”
Instead of the goal of immediate and total assimilation, Collier set about to preserve what remained of American Indian culture. As an initiative of the Indian New Deal, he hired anthropologists to document Indian languages and ways of life.
Indian Agencies hired photographers to capture Native American culture.
Collier also helped establish the Indian Arts and Crafts Board, tasked with promoting and preserving Native American material culture.
The Arts and Craft Board established a system of authenticating products and enacting marketing strategies which led to some economic development for certain Native American groups during the country’s most severe depression.
The Indian New Deal also forwarded the cause of Native American education. Curricular committees serving Native Americans began to incorporate the languages and customs that had been documented by Government-funded anthropologists in their newly bilingual syllabi.
While the Government continued to mandate that Native Americans attend Federal schools, it subsidized the creation of 100 community day schools on tribal lands.
The Johnson-O’Malley Act of 1934, which Collier helped to steer through Congress, offered states Federal dollars to support their Native American education, health care, and agricultural assistance programs.
To ease unemployment, thousands of Native Americans were employed under a separate division of the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC). This division, which was popularly abbreviated as the CCC-ID, allowed Native Americans to work on public works projects on their own reservations.
The Indian New Deal’s premiere piece of legislation was the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 (IRA).
The IRA abolished the allotment program detailed in the Dawes Act and made funds available to Native American groups for the purchase of lost tribal lands. It required that Indians receive preferential treatment when applying to BIA jobs on the reservation. Finally, the IRA called for a referendum on home rule and self-governance, asking tribes to vote to establish new tribal councils.
While it was not a wholesale success, the Indian New Deal was integral in changing U.S. Government policies toward American Indians.
Visit our website to learn more about the historical records relating to Native Americans in National Archives’ holdings.
What Guillermo family records will you find?
There are 2,000 census records available for the last name Guillermo. Like a window into their day-to-day life, Guillermo census records can tell you where and how your ancestors worked, their level of education, veteran status, and more.
There are 2,000 immigration records available for the last name Guillermo. Passenger lists are your ticket to knowing when your ancestors arrived in the USA, and how they made the journey - from the ship name to ports of arrival and departure.
There are 448 military records available for the last name Guillermo. For the veterans among your Guillermo ancestors, military collections provide insights into where and when they served, and even physical descriptions.
There are 2,000 census records available for the last name Guillermo. Like a window into their day-to-day life, Guillermo census records can tell you where and how your ancestors worked, their level of education, veteran status, and more.
There are 2,000 immigration records available for the last name Guillermo. Passenger lists are your ticket to knowing when your ancestors arrived in the USA, and how they made the journey - from the ship name to ports of arrival and departure.
There are 448 military records available for the last name Guillermo. For the veterans among your Guillermo ancestors, military collections provide insights into where and when they served, and even physical descriptions.
Ashland Announces Strategic Review of Its Performance Adhesives Business Unit
Ashland Global Holdings Inc. recently announced a strategic review of its performance adhesives business unit. Ashland says it intends to evaluate all options with respect to the business unit, including a potential sale. According to the company, the decision is consistent with the company’s strategy to grow its integrated additive ingredients portfolio focused on its leadership positions in its core pharma, personal care and coatings businesses.
“Ashland’s performance adhesives business unit has demonstrated exceptional financial performance with a strong and dedicated business team who excel at solutions in key niche markets,” said Guillermo Novo, chairman and chief executive officer, Ashland. “The business has valuable products with differentiating performance for customers across a variety of applications and markets. The team has recently introduced innovations that provide exciting growth potential for this unique business.”
Novo said he expects the combination of strong financing availability, low interest rates and improving global macroeconomic conditions to create a supportive backdrop for a potential sale of the business unit.
The company says it plans to increase capital deployment toward its core additives portfolio consisting of life sciences, personal care and household and specialty additives. Priority will be given to expand its high-value pharmaceuticals and personal care businesses, to enhance shareholder value through improved margins and focused growth capital deployment, including potential bolt-on acquisitions.
Ashland recently acquired the Schülke & Mayr personal care business, which, the company says, underscores the company’s strategy for growth in its core end-markets. The integration is proceeding as planned.
Ashland said it anticipates completing the strategic review by the end of calendar year 2021. The company has retained Citi to assist in the strategic review process.